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Regulatory

A Brazilian Deputy Files a Bill to Void Every Betting Licence in 180 Days

Antonina TupikovaBy Antonina Tupikova · Founder, iGaming Times4 min read

PL 5153/2026 would repeal the law that created Brazil's regulated market, extinguish every authorisation regardless of its stated term, and make operating fixed-odds betting a crime carrying two to five years. It reached the Mesa on Monday afternoon.

  • Deputada Caroline de Toni of the Partido Liberal, representing Santa Catarina and a former chair of the Chamber's Constitution and Justice Committee, filed PL 5153/2026 at the Câmara dos Deputados at 13:39 on 24 August
  • Article 10 extinguishes every valid fixed-odds authorisation 180 days after publication, "regardless of the term originally provided in the respective authorisation act", and Article 13 repeals Law 14.790 of 2023 in full from the 181st day
  • Article 7 creates a criminal offence carrying two to five years' imprisonment plus a fine, extended to anyone who finances the activity, conceals its beneficial owner or runs the payment structure; Article 8 expressly exempts the bettor
  • Corporate fines run from 0.1% to 20% of gross revenue, with a floor at the economic advantage obtained and a ceiling of R$2 billion, approximately $389 million, per infringement
  • Advertising and sponsorship contracts in force on the day of publication may run for a maximum of 30 days with no renewal, and no new ones may be signed at all

The Bill Is Written as a Wind-Down, Not a Gesture

Brazil has no shortage of restrictive betting bills. A search of the Câmara's own database returns dozens filed this year alone, covering advertising, influencer disclosure, affiliate remuneration, credit-card deposits and health levies. PL 5153/2026 is a different order of thing. It does not amend Law 14.790 of 29 December 2023. It ends it, and it sets out the machinery for doing so.

Article 1 extinguishes the lottery modality known as fixed-odds betting across Brazil. The definition captures bets on real events of a sporting or any other nature, virtual events, and online games operated on the fixed-odds system, which is the drafting that brings online casino inside the prohibition rather than leaving it to argument. Four things are carved out: other lottery modalities expressly authorised by federal law, prognostic contests and draws that do not use the fixed-odds system, transactions in the financial, capital, insurance and pension markets, which is where the prediction market B3 was cleared to launch sits, and fantasy sport. The fantasy carve-out then arrives with its own anti-avoidance clause, requiring at least two real people per virtual team, pre-established rules, prize pools independent of entry volume, and outcomes that do not turn on a single competitor. Anything offered as fantasy sport that in substance carries the fixed-odds elements falls back under the regime, and the federal authority may make that determination on its own motion.

The transition sits in Article 10. Existing valid authorisations are extinguished at the end of 180 days regardless of their stated duration, which matters because authorisations under the current law can run for five years. During those 180 days operators remain fully bound by player protection, betting integrity, anti-money laundering, reserve, guarantee and reporting obligations. From the 181st day, no new bets may be accepted. Article 11 hands the competent authority the job of regulating orderly closure, the return of player balances and the payment of prizes still owed.

Article 9 starts the clock immediately on publication rather than at the end of the transition. From that date no authorisation may be issued or renewed, no operator may add brands, domains or channels, no operator may accept bets on events settling after the transition ends, and no new advertising, sponsorship, affiliation or promotion contract may be signed. Contracts already in force may be performed for a maximum of 30 days, with renewal and extension prohibited. Article 5 archives every pending authorisation application without any right to compensation for an expectation of right.

The enforcement provisions are the most modern part of the text. Article 3 lets the federal authority order internet access providers to block sites and domains, app stores to remove applications, and digital platforms to take down advertising. Article 4 places due-diligence, monitoring and risk-management duties on financial institutions, payment institutions, payment scheme operators and, notably, virtual asset service providers, expressly including cases where the beneficiary, intermediary, acquirer or processor sits abroad. Article 2 deems activity to take place in Brazil whenever it is offered to a person located there, whatever the location of the operator or its infrastructure, and reaches any bet funded through a deposit account, payment account, card or Pix key held in the country.

Article 2 also bans promotion in unusually wide terms, covering bonuses and loyalty programmes, paid affiliate and influencer work, and any commercial mention "even when presented in the form of an opinion, review, testimonial, demonstration of use or editorial content". Journalistic, academic, scientific, educational and public-interest content is exempt where it does not arise from a commercial relationship.

The Case the Bill Makes for Itself

The justification is candid about its own evidence, which is rarer than it should be. Its central figure comes from the Boletim Fiscal dos Estados Brasileiros, produced within Comsefaz, the national committee of state finance secretaries, which estimated an average net monthly transfer attributable to betting of R$4.7 billion, approximately $913 million, between October 2024 and March 2026. For 2025 alone the estimate reaches R$62.5 billion, approximately $12.1 billion, of net outflow from Brazilian households to the sector, equivalent to around 0.68% of gross household disposable national income.

De Toni then states plainly that these are estimates derived by comparing observed flows against a statistical counterfactual, and that it would be wrong to claim each real is causally traceable to an identified bet. She makes the same caution about the rest: a Tendências Consultoria study with Peers Consulting+Technology putting 2025 gross revenue near R$37 billion, approximately $7.19 billion, across more than 25 million users, with monthly volumes of R$20 billion to R$30 billion and effects concentrated in the C, D and E income classes, where 23% of surveyed bettors reported cutting clothing purchases and 19% cut supermarket spending; and a figure attributed to the Confederação Nacional do Comércio of R$143.8 billion, approximately $27.9 billion, withdrawn from retail consumption between January 2023 and March 2026, with roughly 270,000 households entering severe default. The text explicitly declines to add these together, noting that gross revenue, transaction volume, financial transfers and displaced consumption are not the same variable.

On public health it cites the Ministério da Saúde campaign launched in July 2026 and the World Health Organization estimate that gambling disorder affects around 1.2% of the world adult population. On the counterargument it is direct: regulation to tax, supervise and bring an activity into legality "deserves consideration", but public revenue cannot by itself justify keeping an activity whose costs reach the family budget, productive consumption, health and household debt. And on the objection that prohibition simply pushes the market underground, the bill's answer is that this is why it contains blocking, payment interruption and criminal liability rather than a bare declaration of illegality.

Repealing the Regime Also Repeals the Instruments Used to Police It

Article 13 revokes Law 14.790 in its entirety along with articles 29, 30, 32 and 33 of Law 13.756 of 2018 and the annex creating the inspection fee. That is internally consistent, since a licensing statute is of no use once there are no licences. It is also the bill's most serious practical problem. Everything Brazil currently knows about this market, it knows because operators are authorised: the SIGAP reporting obligations, the segregated reserves, the identity verification, the transaction records that federal enforcement has been building cases on all year. Article 10 keeps those duties alive for 180 days and Article 11 promises regulations for orderly closure, but on day 181 the entire compliance apparatus is switched off at the same moment as the market it was watching. What remains is Article 3 blocking and Article 4 payment diligence, both of which are tools for fighting an offshore market, applied to a market that will have become offshore that morning. The bill anticipates migration and legislates against it, which is more than most prohibition bills manage. Whether a payments perimeter can hold when the perimeter is all there is, is a question Brazil would be answering at scale for the first time.

The Bill's Own Caveats Are the Industry's Best Argument

The economic case rests on displacement: money that would otherwise have been spent, saved or used to service debt is instead flowing to betting operators. That reading is not universal in Brasília. Reports this week indicate the Banco Central has publicly questioned the proposition that betting is responsible for household indebtedness, and the Comsefaz methodology, as the justification itself concedes, infers rather than observes. Both things can be true at once: an order of magnitude large enough to matter, and a causal chain too weak to carry a total prohibition. The honest position, and the one the text comes closest to taking, is that R$62.5 billion of estimated net outflow is a reason for serious intervention rather than proof that the intervention must be abolition. That distinction is what the Congress will actually be arguing about, and it is where the operators' best argument lies, because it does not require them to deny the harm.

Nobody Has Priced This, and That Is Rational For Now

A bill filed by a single opposition deputy on 24 August, sitting at the Mesa awaiting committee referral, is a very long way from law. Brazil's regulated market is already absorbing a legislated tax rise to 15% by 2028, a mandatory loss-warning regime on advertising, and federal enforcement operations against licensed operators. The government's revenue interest points the other way, and any statute extinguishing five-year authorisations with no compensation for expectation of right would meet an immediate constitutional challenge on acquired rights and legal certainty, which Article 5 seems to anticipate and pre-emptively deny. But the political economy is worth watching rather than dismissing. De Toni chaired the Comissão de Constituição e Justiça e de Cidadania, the committee that rules on constitutional admissibility, from March 2024 to March 2025, and the bill is drafted by someone who has read the current statute closely, and it arrives while the Câmara is already processing dozens of narrower restrictions. Prohibition bills of this quality do not usually pass. They set the ceiling that the compromise is measured against.

Brazil legalised this market on the argument that regulation beats prohibition. Two and a half years in, the first well-drafted attempt to reverse that decision is on the table, and the industry's answer cannot be that nothing has gone wrong.

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